The Coup, The Constitution, and the Bureaucratic Musical Chairs - 2/3 (1955-58)
Athar Osama July 9th, 2007
The Constitution
Having looked at the “Constitutional Coup” of 1954 and its repurcussions in the form of Justice Munir’s historic judgment, we now turn towards the Pakistan’s renewed quest for a Constitution.
An Era of Legal Challenges
With Justice Munir’s verdict in the Tamizuddin Khan case, not only did the Constituent Assembly stood dissolved but also seve
n long years of important legislation was eliminated by a stroke of a pen. Forty-six Acts on the statute books became invalid thus putting the country in a legal vacuum making it almost impossible to govern. Days after the judgment, the Governor-General promulgated Emergency Powers Ordinance IX of 1955 that give him the power to:
- Make provision for framing the Constitution of Pakistan
- Make provision to constitute the province of West Pakistan
- Validate laws which have been passed by the Constituent Assembly but had not received assent of the Governor-General
- Authenticate the Central Budget
- Name East Bengal as East Pakistan (Khan, 2001, p. 89)
Governor-General’s Emergency Powers Ordinance was immediately challenged in the court. In Usif Patel vs. The Crown, Chief Justice Munir sided with the petitioner and declared the Emergency Powers Ordinance IX of 1955 as ultra vires (without legal authority). In a major flip-flop of his earlier decision, Justice Munir’s judgment recognized the continuing authority of the Constituent Assembly, and nobody else, to make any provisions to the country’s Constitution. Ironically, this was the same Constituent Assembly that had stood dissolved through his decision in the Tamizuddin Khan case.
The Constitution of 1956 was a lengthy document—containing over 234 Articles in 13 parts and 6 schedules. By contrast, the American Constitution has a 3-line preamble, 7 articles, and 27 amendments over the last 200 years of existence. The Indian Constitution, on the other hand, has 395 articles and 12 schedules (Wikipedia, 2007). Clearly, in Pakistani Constitution of 1956, but also later ones, the framers adopted an approach, somewhat analogous to India’s, that explicitly stated many of the things that are generally left to convention in most well-developed constitutions of the world. Hamid Khan identifies several reasons for the length of the constitution including, but not limited to, complicated relationship between the federation and the provinces, special provisions for tribal areas and the Islamic character of the Constitution, emergency provisions, bill of rights, issues of state languages, election commission, and directive principles of state policy etc. (Khan, 2001, p. 102).