Archive for the 'Economics' Category

Ayub Era-II: Fact and Fiction Of Ayub’s “Economic Miracle” - 2/3 (1962-65)

Athar Osama August 20th, 2007

By: Athar Osama*

pk5-728377246_b376bed9b6.jpgIn the last episode of this series, we looked at Pakistan under Ayub Khan’s “Presidential” Democracy during the second part (1962-65) of his three-part 11-year tenure at the helm of the affairs. Prior to that, we had also looked the early-years of the Martial Law regime that, owing to the intensity of its policy activism, saw some dramatic changes in a whole array of policy domains. In this episode we dig deeper into two key areas policy change in Ayub Era, namely, economic and foreign policy.

(Figure -Right: Ayub Khan’s “Talent Cabinet” which was responsible for much of the regime’s policies during the 1960s. Notice: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto–who was a portege of Ayub Khan–and is known to have called the latter “daddy” on occasions.)

During the early-to-mid 1960s, Pakistan saw what appeared to be dramatic advancements in its economic affairs. In the 1960s, Pakistan’s economic progress is known to have been an envy of a number of Asian countries. It was also during this era that Pakistan’s economic planning processes, institutions, and documents—particularly the Second Five-Year Plan—are known to have been adopted by countries like South Korea who themselves where trying to chart a development trajectory for themselves. This recognition aside, Ayub’s economic policies are perhaps one of the most misunderstood aspects of this 11-year rule. While there is little disagreement on the growth rates that Pakistan experienced in GDP, industry, and agriculture during Ayub Khan’s era, what experts tend to disagree upon is how that growth occurred and what were its implications on Pakistan’s economy and society (Zaidi, 1999, p. 97). We look at Ayub’s industrial and agricultural policies, in particular, to see how they fared and why.

On the foreign policy front too, Ayub Government found itself in the midst of some truly significant changes and events and the actions it took—or failed to take—had serious repercussions for Pakistan. In fact many have argued that the 1965 War between India and Pakistan which, in many ways, Ayub and his advisors—Foreign Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, being the main protagonist—brought upon themselves marked the beginning of the end of Ayub’s Era. Before we look into that next week, we will examine how we got there. But first, a closer look at Ayub’s economic “miracle”…

Trade and Industrial Policy and Development in the Sixties

Pakistan had inherited an industrial base that was at a very nascent stage of its development. In its statement of industrial policy in 1948, the Government of Pakistan stated that:

“The most striking feature of Pakistan’s present economy is the marked contrast between its vast natural resources and its extreme industrial backwardness. A country producing nearly 75% of the world’s production of jute does not possess even a single jute mill…” (quoted in Zaidi, 1999, p. 91)

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Fact Check: Putting Ayub’s Economic Policies in Perspective - Pakistan’s Top-40 Richest Families

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 20th, 2007

Guest Post By: Anonymous 

pk13-AAA.jpgDr. Mahbubul Haq (figure-right)–an eminent development economist from Pakistan who is considered one of the founders of the Human Development Theory and who along with Nobel Laurette Amertya Sen of India created the Human Development Index–who was, most ironically, General Zia-ul-Haq’s Finance Minister (1982-84)  is known to have said that twenty-two families controlled 66% of Pakistan’s total industrial assets, 70% of insurance, and 80% of all banking assets in Pakistan at the height of Ayub’s power. While these claims have remain unsubstantiated (Zaidi, 1999), there is little doubt that Pakistan experienced considerable concentration of wealth–by both legal and illegal means–in the 1960s and beyond. Rashid Amjad’s work on industrial concentration in Pakistan considerable evidence in his own research.

Who were these 22 families that Mahbub-Ul-Haq hinted at? Nobody knows for sure for he did not disclose the names. But here is a list of 40 of the richest families in Pakistan today that I found from somewhere on the web. Despite my efforts, I could not find a credible source for this essay. Since the data is unsubstantiated–and somewhat subjective–I would advise readers to take it with a grain of salt. However, it puts some nice context around the discussion on Ayub’s economic policies and the “monopoly houses” that immensely profitted from these. Inclusion in this list–which corresponds to 40 richest families of today, not necessarily during Ayub’s time (but there are overlaps and it might be useful to analyze during what periods of time each of these families accumulates their wealth and their political connections with those regimes)–is not a reflection on the whether the wealth was accumulated by legal or illegal means. Indeed, founders of some of these families have played an important at critical moments of Pakistan’s history. That can’t be said about all of them and we leave the judgement to our readers and the future historians.

Anyways, here is the list… Continue Reading »

Ayub Khan Era-I: The Martial Law “Revolution” - 2/2 (1958-62)

Athar Osama July 23rd, 2007

By: Athar Osama

Socio-Economic and Political Reforms of Ayub’s Era-I (1958-62)

pk-p0806030301.jpgWith the power firmly in the hands of the Chief Martial Law Administrator, he set upon the task of creating country of his vision. Feldman (1967, p. 44) describes the state of the President’s mind in the following words:

“He knew that he was expected to collaborate unstintingly with a government confessedly authoritarian, claiming to derive its sanction from the necessities of a desperate situation and promising, unequivocally, to justify itself by a resolute purification of public life, by a program of indispensable reforms, and by adoption of a fresh constitution which would adequately and appropriately satisfy the citizen’s right to speak and participate in his country’s affairs”

Ayub Khan adopted an essentially technocratic mode of government depending upon a number of committees and commissions to help in policy formulation. In all, the Martial Law Administration, during its entire tenure, set up as many as 25 different commissions to deliberate on policy matters within a wide variety of domains. These included:

- Company Law Commission                            - Constitution Commission                   - Credit Inquiry Commission
- Education Reform Commission                      - Federal Capital Commission              - Finance Commission
- Food & Agriculture Commission                    - Franchise Commission                        - Jute Inquiry Commission
- Land Reforms Commission                            - Land Revenue Commission               - Manpower Commission
- Law Reform Commission                               - Maritime Commission                        - Medical Reforms Commission
- Pay & Services Commission                           - Police Commission                              - Press Commission
- Price Commission                                            - Scientific Commission                         - Social Evils Commission
- Sport, Culture, Art, & Literature Com.         – Sugar Commission                             - Taxation Inquiry Commission
- Textile Inquiry Commission

The sheer scope of the subjects that these commissions dealt with makes one wonder about the volume of policy work carried out in the early years of Ayub Khan’s era. It also makes one think as to how, without carrying out these necessary reforms in a whole variety of different areas, the country was being run in the preceding nine years of its existence. Clearly, not every one of the commissions formed during Ayub Khan’s regime undertook work of equal importance, nor did they achieve similar results, but the fact that the government was able to devote its attention to all these areas cannot escape one’s attention. 

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