Archive for the 'Elections 2007' Category

Wardi-Special: Aspects of Re-Election

Understanding Pakistan Project Team September 23rd, 2007

Guest Post By: Syed Sharfuddin

THE Constitution of Pakistan lays down three clear requirements for the office of president. The first is that he will be elected. The second requirement is that he should hold office for a term of five years. The third requirement is that he should not be eligible for re-election after remaining president for more than two consecutive terms.

The first requirement (the source of the current president’s power), in the event of his non-election, derives from the democratic mandate he received from the people of Pakistan in the referendum of April 2002 in which he was the sole candidate. The president subsequently received a vote of confidence by the parliamentary electoral college through a special session of each House of parliament and each provincial assembly in January 2004. Neither of these actions could satisfy the election requirement stipulated in Article 41 of the Constitution until this article was given a soft landing by adding clauses (7), (8) and (9) through the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) act 2003. Thankfully, these clauses are valid only for the current term of the president’s office.

On the second requirement, there is a great deal of confusion over when it began and when it would expire. This is because General Musharraf has been in power for more than seven years and has worn several hats during this period, including that of president.

The establishment view is that the current term of president began on November 16, 2002, and is set to expire on November 15, 2007. The next president of Pakistan should be chosen by the assemblies some time between September 15 and October 15, 2007.

As former Supreme Court judge Wajihuddin Ahmad’s recent appraisal of the Constitution has shown, there are several intentional or residual anomalies in Chapter 1 of Part 3 of the Constitution. When the time comes to invoke these in the application of law, these are most likely to lend themselves to political interpretation instead of standing on their own legal ground.

Like the act pertaining to the president’s holding of another office, the current parliament can be called upon to give legal cover to a political interpretation of how the issue of the term of president and his re-election is to be presented to the nation. Given the record of past legislation, it is most unlikely that the parliament will deny the government what it wants.

So how can politics influence a debate which is purely a matter of law? The previous occupiers of this post have not left a healthy precedent to guide the nation in this regard.

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Seven Habits of Highly Dispensable Political Leaders

Athar Osama August 24th, 2007

By: Athar Osama

Zia-Bhutto.jpgOne of things that I’ve often said in my writings (and otherwise) about Pakistan’s messy and un-inspiring politics is that it is one dominated by personalities rather than issues. In Pakistan, personalities, in the absence of checks and balances, have often become bigger than institutions with the result that we have failed–in the 60 year old history of our country–in creating institutions. This alone has caused immeasurable damage to the country over time.

(The picture of Bhutto and Zia on the right is one my favorite and most “prized” pictures of Pakistan’s history. It reflects, to my mind, all that is wrong about Pakistani politics and its politicians. Misplaced loyalties, individuals over institutions, virtually all of it, in just one simple graphic. This, unfortunately, is the story of Pakistan’s politics being repeated over and over again over the last 60 years. This is the kind of politics that we must all do our utmost to change)

I have a childhood friend–now a professor at British University– who was a die-hard People’s Party supporter and I remember having fiery discussions with him about the deeds and misdeeds of his cherished leader–Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. He maintained, and probably still does, that Pakistan Peoples Party is the only true political party in the country and that all else is engineered by military dictators and intelligence agencies and hence is a hogwash.

With the recent talk of a deal between Benazir Bhutto and Musharraf, I decided to give him a call to see if he still stood by his leader. I wanted to know how he would now justify the actions of the Peoples Party leader Benazir Bhutto. Much to my surprise–a pleasant one, though–he was seriously reconsidering his support for Peoples Party and remarked: “ab tu saray hi aik jaisay hain ” (now all of them are the same!)

Anyways, his comment got me to begin thinking about what are the tell-tale signs of a leader’s insincerity and ultimate downfall–not just political leader, perhaps–but any leader and not just a leader in Pakistan but a leader anywhere. In other words, what are some of the signs that should tell you that it is time to ditch your favorite politician? Switch your political party? or demand a change in your party’s political leadership? If our politicians can switch their loyalties, why can’t we?

Drawing upon our rich and colorful political history, what criteria can we apply to make that decision? Based on my own limited reading of Pakistan’s history–through the Understanding Pakistan Project–here are Understanding Pakistan’s Seven Habits of Highly Dispensable Political Leaders

1. The leader acts as if he or she is bigger than institutions –This is one of the most long-held positions of Pakistan’s highly dispensable politicians. It is now so ingrained in our political psyche that Pakistan is left with no real (political) institutions today. The Election Commission, The Ehtesab Bureau, or The Supreme Court of Pakistan–we’ve seen it all and they’ve done it to all. Perhaps the most sacred of these institutions is supposed to the Constitution itself and when the Constitution is not safe from the whims and fancies of individuals, what is?

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The Constitutionality of Government - Sharif Family “Exile Agreement”

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 23rd, 2007

By: Athar Osama

When I was writing this post this morning, the Supreme Court of Pakistan had not decided this case in the favor of Nawaz Sharif and his family’s “inalienable and unqualified” right to return to Pakistan. Then Understanding Pakistan’s long-planned switchover from its servers to the new (much faster one!) ran into some glitches and the site remained inaccessible for several hours. I wanted to comment upon and archive the original copy of Nawaz-Government deal. Now, with the decision already made much of the post has been made redundant but I will do so anyway to if only to archive this agreement on Understanding Pakistan. So, here is my post, as it stood in the morning (I shall return to it later to update it with new developments)

When Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhary was reinstated several weeks ago, I predicted–and prayed–that this would usher in a new era of judicial independence in Pakistan (here). Several ground breaking cases, I said, were likely to come before the Chaudhary Court. Among these cases was the the likely challenge to the exile of the Sharif family and the challenge to the constitutionality of General Musharraf’s dual appointments. The first of these challenges is now before the court.

While the legal battle has only started, one interesting thing that has recently come to light is the copy of the agreement between the Government and the Sharif family. The Government–for the first time in Pakistan’s history–has submitted something of value before the court and Dawn, to its credit, has made it publicly available for all of us to see and comment upon.

(Figure: Copy of the document signed by Nawaz Sharif on December 2, 2000. Source: Dawn.com, August 23, 2007)

The document titled “Confidentiality and Hold Harmless Agreement” shows that the Sharifs had also agreed not to engage in any business or political activities or any other activities of any nature against the interest of Pakistan, or relating to their incarceration, for a period of 10 years. They had also undertaken not to disclose to any party either the name of the ‘gentleman’ or of the country involved in their release from Pakistan and relocation, without their consent.

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Guest Column: A Campaign for Democratizing of Party Tickets

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 11th, 2007

Guest Column By: Aqil Sajjad

pk10-1syes.jpgWe are all aware of how our political parties are run by a few personalities without any regard for democratic principles. We also know how this seriously weakens the parties and impacts their ability to address the issues of the people and stand up to the establishment where needed. Even now, while most of the party workers of PPP are against any deal, BB is having talks with Musharraf in sheer disregard of the majority opinion in her party. Many opportunistic politicians are holding negotiations for tickets with more than one party without any commitment to any ideology or manifesto. All this naturally undermines the political process and prevents it from having much relevance to the people at the grass roots level.

(Figure: Syeda Abida Hussain, an ex-MNA and Minister who was recently in London to “successfully” win a party tickets for herself, her husband Mr. Fakhar Imam, and a Provincial Assembly ticket her daughter Sughra Imam. Other notable leaders present at the said meeting to lobby for tickets for their sons, daughters, brothers, and sisters, besides themselves, were Mr. Yousuf Raza Gillani, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, Syed Faisal Saleh Hayat, and Farhat ullah Babar. In current government as well, several leaders have been able to find positions for their sons and daugthers. The most notable ones that hold ministerial portfolios are Mr. Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari’s son Mr. Awais Ahmed Khan Leghari, Mr. Gohar Ayub Khan’s son Omar Ayub Khan, and Ghulam Mushafa Khar’s daughter Hina Rabbani Khar)

While the events of the last few years have convinced many that military rule is not a solution to Pakistan’s problems, it is equally true that the political system, as it stands, is in need of a major overhaul. Most Pakistanis feel a complete disconnect between politics and how it impacts their lives. They are either indifferent or jubilant when the military takes over, hoping that perhaps the new ruler will turn out to be better. If the people are to have confidence in the political process, it must give them a genuine sense of participation.

It is not enough to say that the system will automatically sort itself out if allowed enough time sans interference from the military. This view is like the trickle down theory of economics, which says that given enough time, the benefits of economic growth will automatically filter down to the masses. While both trickle down theories may be strictly correct and good for a drawing room discussion, the suffering people can not and should not be made to wait so long. They can not be expected to come out in protest against a military coup when all the political system has to offer them is a vague promise of a trickle down effect some time in the far future.

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