Archive for the 'GuestColumns' Category

After Lal Masjid, A Battle for Pakistan’s Soul

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 29th, 2007

Guest Column* By: Ibn-e-Khuldun
 
pk12-20070817_06.jpgIn this piece, witten in the immediate aftermath of the Lal Masjid Episode but being published for the first time, Khuldun talks about the challenges posed by the dual extremism of Taliban-style theocrats and the promoters of Enlightened Moderation who are tearing the Pakistani society apart…. 

The Lal Masjid episode that had–quite predictably–eaten up the media bandwidth for several months ended in a somewhat predicted–although still very deplorable–blood bath–on last Tuesday. The high drama that came to its (anti-) climax that day has left more questions unanswered than answers it may have provided. Whether or not this was really, as alleged by the Opposition and many in the media, a diversionary tactic on the part of the Musharraf Government to sideline the epic constitutional battle being faught just across the road on the Constitution Avenue, one can only speculate.
 
pk5-20070519-122652-5463.jpgIt did, however, once again put Musharraf and his brand of “saviors” firmly in charge of the “savage” millions in Pakistan and has established, in the eyes of the West and its media, the often-repeated (by his government) “indispensibility” of his dictatorial rule in Pakistan. Add on top of that the fact that there are serious allegations that the two brothers in Lal Masjid had been in the pay of the agencies, and that it is next to impossible for anybody–no matter how slick or smart he was–to operate with such imputiny in the heavily “watched and monitored” city of Islamabad for years, and the conincidences just get too many for most of us to digest.     
 
Regardless, however, of whether the Lal Masjid espisode was a bold and audacious attempt on the part of a bunch of Mullahs and their naive followers to enforce their brand of Shariah on a country of 150 million or a creation of Masharraf and his agencies themselves, what is amply clear is that it represents a society on a collision course with itself.
 
I am not complaining that establishing the writ of law within the country–something that the Lal Masjid Mullahs and their followers had repeatedly flouted over the last few months by taking the law in their own hands or by attempting to establish a parallel judicial system–is not an important objective. I think it is absolutely important to do so and nobody must be allowed to flout our laws. What I am complaining, however, is the more-than-just-suspicious and brutal manner in which Operation Silence was carried out and, more importantly, how and why did we let the things reach this far in the first place?

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Preventing More Lal Masjids

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 29th, 2007

Guest Column* By: Pervez Hoodbhoy  (Published on Chowk.com on July 10, 2007)

pk4-lalmasjid20070710_02.jpgMany well-known Pakistani political commentators seem bent upon trivializing Lal Masjid. Although its bloody siege now enters into its fifth day, for them the comic sight of the bearded Maulana Abdul Aziz fleeing in a burqa is proof that this episode was mere puppet theatre. They say it was enacted byhidden hands within the government, expressly created to distract attention away from General Musharraf’s mounting problems, as well as to prove to his supporters in the West that he remains the last bulwark against Islamic extremism. The writers conclude that this is a contrived problem, not a real one. They are dead wrong. Lal Masjid underscores the danger of runaway religious radicalism in Pakistan. It calls for urgent and wide-ranging action.

pk4-_42743889_studentsap2_203.jpgThat the crisis could have been averted is beyond doubt. The Lal Masjid militants were given a free hand by the government to kidnap and intimidate. For months, under the nose of Pakistan’s super-vigilant intelligence agencies, large quantities of arms and fuel were smuggled inside to create a fearsome fortress in the heart of Pakistan’s capital. Even after Jamia Hafsa students went on their violent rampages in February 2007, no attempt was made to cut off the electricity, gas, phone, or website – or even to shut down their illegal FM radio station. Operating as a parallel government, the mullah duo, Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi and Maulana Abdul Aziz, ran their own Islamic court. They received the Saudi Arabian ambassador on the mosque premises, and negotiated with the Chinese ambassador for the release of his country’s kidnapped nationals. But for the outrage expressed by China, Pakistan’s all-weather ally, the status quo would have continued.

For a state that has not shied from using even artillery and airpower on its citizens, the softness on the mullahs was astonishing. Even as the writ of the state was being openly defied, the chief negotiator appointed by Musharraf, Chaudhry Shujaat Husain, described the burqa brigade militants as “our daughters” with whom negotiations would continue and against whom “no operation could be contemplated”.

But this still does not prove that the fanatics were deliberately set up, or that radicalism and extremism is a fringe phenomenon. The Lal Masjid mullahs, even as they directed kidnappings and vigilante squads, continued to lead thousands during Friday prayers. Uncounted thousands of other radically charged mullahs daily berate captive audiences about immoralities in society and dangle promises of heaven for the pious. What explains the explosive growth of this phenomenon?

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Aza’adi Special: Jinnah and the Islamic State – Setting the Record Straight

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 14th, 2007

By: Pervez Hoodbhoy

This essay originated from my lecture in Karachi in 2007, delivered at the invitation of the Jinnah Society in cooperation with the Oxford University Press of Pakistan. 

What did Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, want for the country he was destined to create in 1947? Surely I cannot say anything new on this venerable and much-discussed historical subject; the experts know much more. But, as we approach Pakistan’s sixtieth anniversary, the matter of Jinnah and the Islamic State is still a hot one. It is confounded both by the wishful thinking of my well-meaning liberal friends, as well as conveniences invented at different times by Pakistan’s military, political, and religious establishments. Therefore, it seems to me that objectivity, honesty, and clarity are still desperately needed if we are to clean out old cobwebs and chart a new course for the future of our country.

What is Pakistan all about? For decades, Pakistani school children have grown up learning a linguistically flawed (but catchy) rhetorical question sung together with its answer: Pakistan ka matlab kya? La illaha illala! [What is the meaning of Pakistan? There is no god but Allah!]. They have been told that Pakistan’s raison d’etre was the creation of an Islamic state where the Sharia must reign supreme.

Surely this has had its effect. A recent survey by the World Public Opinion.Org (April 24, 2007) found that 54% of Pakistanis wanted strict application of Sharia while 25% wanted it in some more dilute form. Totaling 79%, this was the largest percentage in the four countries surveyed (Morocco, Egypt, Pakistan, Indonesia) .

But was sentiment for Sharia and the Islamic State strong in 1947 among those who fought for Pakistan?

Mr. Jinnah’s thoughts inevitably enter the argument. This, of course, does not necessarily mean that Pakistan was, or is, obligated to become the fulfilment of his vision. Pakistan is much more than Jinnah and it will eventually go in the direction that its people want it to go.  But it certainly is of the greatest intellectual and historical interest to ask two key questions:

a) Did Jinnah want Pakistan to be a Muslim majority state where individuals, whether Muslim or otherwise, would be free to live their lives more or less as they do in countries in the rest of the world?

      Or,

b) Did Jinnah want an Islamic state? And, if so, what was his understanding of such a state.

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Aza’adi Special: Jinnah’s Vision of Pakistan

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 14th, 2007

By: Yasser Latif Hamdani

Today being the 60th anniversary of Pakistan’s independence is an opportunate moment to look at Quaid-e-Azam’s vision of Pakistan delivered 60 years ago, by Mr. Jinnah, Pakistan’s undisputed Leader, Governor General and elected President of the Constituent Assembly elaborated his vision for the future of Pakistan.

Jinnah’s vision is unambiguous.

  • The state would be completely impartial to religion of the individual.
    The state where every citizen would be equal and there would be no distinction between citizen on the basis of faith or caste or creed.

A lot of controverey has emerged about this speech. Any student of political science would tell you that is the classic exposition of a modern secular democratic state. However, the issue of whether this constitutes a “secular” state or an “Islamic” state is besides the point. A rose by any name is after all a rose.

Here is what Mr. Jinnah said on that fateful day. It is worth reading in the full:

“I know there are people who do not quite agree with the division of India and the partition of the Punjab and Bengal. Much has been said against it, but now that it has been accepted, it is the duty of every one of us to loyally abide by it and honourably act according to the agreement which is now final and binding on all. But you must remember, as I have said, that this mighty revolution that has taken place is unprecedented. One can quite understand the feeling the exists between the two communities wherever one community is in majority and the other is in minority. But the question is whether it was possible or practicable to act otherwise than has been done. A division had to take place. On both sides, in Hindustan and Pakistan, there are sections of people who may not agree with it, who may not like it, but in my judgment there was no other solution and I am sure future history will record its verdict in favour of it. And what is more it will be proved by actual experience as we go on that that was the only solution of India’s constitutional problem. Any idea of a United India could never have worked and in my judgment it would have led us to terrific disaster. May be that view is correct ; may be it is not; that remains to be seen. All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.”

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Guest Column: 1950s - The Struggles between Interest Groups

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 23rd, 2007

Guest Column* By Aqil Sajjad

Six decades after independence, Pakistan continues to struggle with basic issues relating to democracy and constitutionalism. The country has yet to see a smooth change of government through elections. The rot started at the very outset as the political leadership found it difficult to reconcile the various interests competing with each other to produce a widely acceptable constitution. The purpose of this article is to discuss some of the prominent interest groups that were involved and how their differences contributed to the constitutional delay and the political instability that marked the years leading up to the military take over in 1958.

pk-p0717010101.jpgBroadly speaking, there were three distinct groups that joined Pakistan. These were East Pakistanis, those who migrated from Hindu majority areas to West Pakistan, and the indigenous people of West Pakistan.
 
East Pakistan was geographically, culturally and ethnically distinct from West Pakistan. Among its features were a large population, low level of education, absence of feudalism, and a greater propensity for political activism among the masses.

The people of West Pakistan were also generally less educated, but the political scene in this wing was dominated by the landed aristocracy. Moreover, unlike the mostly homogeneous population of East Pakistan, the people of West Pakistan had considerable ethnic and cultural diversity. This along with the larger geographical area often resulted in sharp divergence of interests between the four units in this wing.  

The third group of Pakistanis comprised those who had come from the Hindu majority areas. Their influx and the exodus of Hindus who migrated to India had a huge demographic impact and thus played an important role in shaping the political landscape of Pakistan.

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Decolonizing the Spirit - Pakistani Art from 1947-79

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 19th, 2007

By: Niilofur Farrukh

The DNA code of Pakistani painting is a complex one. The early experiment with the stem cells of modern art movements to further a nationalist agenda birthed a Pakistani modernity. The artist not content to be on the fringe turned into the protagonist of the ‘other story’- a saga of three decades that chronicles the trauma of a heterogeneous people learning to be a nation and an agenda of conscience that defied the colonization of the spirit. writes Niilofur Farrukh, The Editor of NuktaArt, a contemporary art history magazine in Pakistan, and the research director of Project Art History Pakistan

The maelstrom unleashed by the cartographer’s pen, circa 1947, deepened political fault lines in South Asia. The resulting volatility, fractured a people that were once united in a freedom struggle again colonial fetters. What followed, was the largest displacement of people in history and the birth of two nations.

Like ‘midnights children’ poised on the cusp of loss and gain, the nations struggled to gain a sense of self. The itinerary of the artists could not escape new ideologies. The dynamics of disconnect and displacement opened unexplored territory and a different imperative.To the Indian artist a continuum of the aesthetics of land and religion held no contradiction. The Pakistani artist faced with the aftermath of a three way divorce between land, religion and cultural history had yet to determine philosophical moorings.

Fully aware of their place in history, the manifesto of the artists of nascent Pakistan could not escape the spirit of the time. The political and social leadership that had its roots in the Western educated Muslim elite of undivided India had begun to seriously question the relevance of orthodoxy in a progressive modern future. Contemporary values of the industrialized nations based on reason and science were considered the engine of advancement. Their primary concern became a robust intellectual, economic and social participation in the modern age.

Poet Iqbal, the mentor of this generation with his message of khudi (self) had already reinforced the awakening of individuality and personal ambition and this chipped away at the edifice of fatalistic beliefs, as his verses became the new mantra

Khudi ko kar buland itna kay ha taqdeer say pehlay
Khuda panday say khud poochay, bata tayree raza hia hai

(elevate yourself to such heights of achievement that god is compelled
to consult you before he decides your fate)

This paradigm shift manifested itself in art and experiments with the modern idiom provided a framework to re-examine a familiar cultural terrain.

pk7-zubeida agha 58.jpgThe upheaval of the last years of the Freedom Movement had created an awareness for the need of ‘a vital new expression, as Raza’s explained ‘ the revivalist movement of the Bengal school despite laudable effort it made to instill an awareness of our cultural heritage, seemed literary works, sentimental, delicate and unresponsive to the pace and anguish of our time’ These views found resonance among the aspiring modernists of Pakistan. Ahmed Pervaz, Sheikh Safdar, Shemza, Moyene Najmi and Ali Imam founded the Lahore Art Circle in the early 1950’s. Once again, Lahore, home to Emperor Akbar royal atelier, became the site of a bold new experiment in the visual arts.

A similar movement led by Zainul Abedin was initiated in the Eastern wing of Pakistan. Zubeida Agha (Figure: “Karachi by Night” by Zubeida Agha, painted in 1956), also a Lahorite, had the honor to be the first modernist to hold a solo show as early as 1949 in Karachi. Social taboos separated her from her peers of the Lahore Art Circle as it was unacceptable for a young woman to be seen in the company of male artists and poets at their nocturnal meetings at Lahore’s coffee houses where debates usually raged well into the night. Her gender however did not stop her from making a seminal contribution even if it dictated a separate, often lonely path.

[Editor’s Note: Next Page Contains Some Fascinating, yet heavy bite-sized graphic files that might take, depending upon your computer speed, a while to download. Please be patient as they download - Ed.]

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Understanding Pakistan: RIP Pakistan (1947-1974)

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 2nd, 2007

Guest Column* By: Yasser Latif Hamdani

When I was first asked to contribute to the “Understanding Pakistan” effort I was not sure what it meant:  What Pakistan were we talking about or what Pakistan were we trying to understand? The country, the state, the people or the historical ideal which led to its creation?  But as the project has progressed it has become clear that this is a serious effort to understand why and how a country named Pakistan actually came into existence and what it is all about. 

Allow me to start off by saying that you cannot understand Pakistan until and unless you understand how the demise of the ideal of Pakistan was brought about by its own people.  I will venture so far as to say that Pakistan has ceased to exist and what exists in its place is an imposter at best, kept alive by forces which need this part of the world for their own agendas. 

However unlike other self styled arm chair analysts, I will not pin point 1971 as the death of Pakistan- partly because history tells us that Jinnah was ready to concede an independent Bangladesh in 1947 and that it was Nehru who had insisted on there being two countries instead of one (See “Shameful Flight” by Stanley Wolpert on this issue). 

In my opinion it was 1974 which was to Jinnah’s 1947 what 1984 was to Orwell’s 1948 for 1974 marked the same end of idealism and beginning of perversion in its name that was depicted so brilliantly by Orwell both in 1984 and the Animal Farm.  For all the oaths taken in order to preserve the ideology of Pakistan, it was this tragic events of this year, coming so soon after Pakistan’s first unanimous constitution, that dealt a deathblow to the true ideology of Pakistan.  Make no mistake about it.

The real Pakistan no longer exists.  It died at the very young age of 27.  What it needs is another Messiah with the power to raise the dead.

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Guest Column: Who are our Founding Fathers (or Mothers)?

Athar Osama June 18th, 2007

Guest Column* By: Athar Osama

Understanding Pakistan recently launched a new survey seeking to assess who our visitors thought were the “Founding Fathers” (or Mothers) of Pakistan. The results–although preliminary–are available in the side-bar (”Vote and Get Counted!”) for all to see. We asked our visitors the following question: ”Based on their contribution, which of the [13 listed] individuals did they believe were among the top-5 Founding Fathers (or Mothers) of Pakistan?” According to the results based on first 25 responses, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Allama Iqbal, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Liaquat Ali Khan, and Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah ranked as the top-5 founding fathers and mothers of the country. They received, respectively, votes from 92, 76, 68, 52, and 44% respondents. There is little surprise here except, perhaps, that atleast 2 respondents thought that Jinnah was not among the top-5 founding fathers of Pakistan!

Looking further down the list, it is remarkable to see the considerable diversity of opinion vis-a-vis the identification of the top-5 founding fathers (or mothers). The 6th and 7th numbered individuals secure 20-30% votes and the rest score in low double digits or even single digits. What these results really indicate is that different people view and weigh the contributions of these individuals differently. This list could be extended to include at least as many more individuals as it already has and that probably would further increase the spread of general opinion here. We have since changed the survey question to allow respondents to pick any and all (and as many as they wish) individuals they consider a founding father (or mother) of the country. It would be interesting to revisit the final results when the survey is closed.

It is worth looking at and thinking about this list for a moment. How many of these individuals–and their contributions–do we know about? It could be, although it is extremely unlikely, that the Pakistan Movement was really driven by a core group of 5 individuals–2 alive, 2 dead, and one part-time, at the time of the partition itself but most likely the creation of Pakistan was a collective exercise. Yet, many of the people who made significant contributions to the debate and the movement are relative unknowns in the country that they helped create.  

Indeed, it is very unfortunate that with each passing year more and more of what must be documented is being lost and we, as a nation, are so ignorant and and unappreciative of our own past that we do not know (and don’t care to know) about our own history or the contributions of those who shaped it?  Continue Reading »

Guest Column: Jinnah’s Legacy

Understanding Pakistan Project Team June 18th, 2007

Guest Column* By: Yasser Latif Hamdani

As we look at and comment upon Jinnah’s tenure as the first Governor General of Pakistan in the final year of his life, it is worth discussing some of his earlier contributions to Indian politics and his legacy, more broadly. Indeed, an argument can be (and has been) made that by the time Jinnah was sworn in as the first Governor General of Pakistan, he was well past even the twilight of an illustrious and remarkable political career and that his legacy had already been determined and What was to come later had much less to do with how the world remembered him. With that let me turn to Jinnah’s Pre-Pakistan legislative career and his overall legacy.

Jinnah’s Pre-Pakistan Legislative Career

As we celebrate M.A. Jinnah’s birth anniversay today, December 25, it behoves us to think deep and hard on his true legacy that, in addition to the creation of a country, included a long and extremely effective legislative career as a member of the central legislative assembly of India.

Indeed the greatest tragedy of the subcontinent is that both India and Pakistan have chosen to selectively remember this great man, especially by choosing to ignore his politics prior to the Pakistan Movement. However if both India and Pakistan were to revisit Jinnah’s pre-1937 Indian nationalist career, we would find much to celebrate together, even if we continue to differ on his later role as the champion of Muslim separatism.

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Guest Column: Citizenship and Identity in Pakistan

Understanding Pakistan Project Team June 11th, 2007

Guest Commentary* By: Yasser Latif Hamdani 

The number one issue in the subcontinent which threatens the fabric of every nation state that exists today in the region is that of the inability of the central state structure to harmonise contending notions of identity. In no small way is this attributable to the events of the British Raj.

Consider this: Before the British colonised the subcontinent, the people of this region existed in overlapping sets of multiple identities, where contending sovereignty of identity groups was negotiated and power was shared at several levels. When the British came along, they brought with them the then in vogue European notions of nation and nation state. Differences between homogenous European nation states and the heterogeneous nature of India were glossed over when applying the same model here.

Later enthusiastic young Indian nationalists, including Muslims like Badruddin Tyabji and Mahomed Ali Jinnah, bought into this thesis of one Indian nation and remained committed to it for a very long time. It was only the fear of Hindu majoritarianism within this one Indian nation that forced Jinnah to revert to the thesis they had rejected hitherto i.e. India was not one nation but at least two or even more.

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