Archive for the 'Religion' Category

Aza’adi Special: Jinnah’s Vision of Pakistan

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 14th, 2007

By: Yasser Latif Hamdani

Today being the 60th anniversary of Pakistan’s independence is an opportunate moment to look at Quaid-e-Azam’s vision of Pakistan delivered 60 years ago, by Mr. Jinnah, Pakistan’s undisputed Leader, Governor General and elected President of the Constituent Assembly elaborated his vision for the future of Pakistan.

Jinnah’s vision is unambiguous.

  • The state would be completely impartial to religion of the individual.
    The state where every citizen would be equal and there would be no distinction between citizen on the basis of faith or caste or creed.

A lot of controverey has emerged about this speech. Any student of political science would tell you that is the classic exposition of a modern secular democratic state. However, the issue of whether this constitutes a “secular” state or an “Islamic” state is besides the point. A rose by any name is after all a rose.

Here is what Mr. Jinnah said on that fateful day. It is worth reading in the full:

“I know there are people who do not quite agree with the division of India and the partition of the Punjab and Bengal. Much has been said against it, but now that it has been accepted, it is the duty of every one of us to loyally abide by it and honourably act according to the agreement which is now final and binding on all. But you must remember, as I have said, that this mighty revolution that has taken place is unprecedented. One can quite understand the feeling the exists between the two communities wherever one community is in majority and the other is in minority. But the question is whether it was possible or practicable to act otherwise than has been done. A division had to take place. On both sides, in Hindustan and Pakistan, there are sections of people who may not agree with it, who may not like it, but in my judgment there was no other solution and I am sure future history will record its verdict in favour of it. And what is more it will be proved by actual experience as we go on that that was the only solution of India’s constitutional problem. Any idea of a United India could never have worked and in my judgment it would have led us to terrific disaster. May be that view is correct ; may be it is not; that remains to be seen. All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.”

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Aza’adi Special: Iqbal and Jinnah’s Idea of Pakistan as an Islamic State

Understanding Pakistan Project Team August 14th, 2007

By: Allama Ghulam Ahmed Parvez 

(This is an abridged-excerpted version of a larger piece published on this website before - here.)

pk2-IQAllamaIqbal5.jpgAccording Allama G. A. Pervez Allama Iqbal was the real intellectual force behind the notion of an Islamic state and Jinnah was merely an agent to implement Iqbal’s idea. In the above-cited piece, this how he explains: 

Iqbal’s Notion of an Islamic State

This state of affairs prevailed throughout the Muslim countries for centuries together where Mazhab was accepted as true Islam. We should, however, consider ourselves fortunate in as much as a voice was raised in our time and from our own country, to distinguish between Deen and Mazhab, and the Ummah was called upon to revive true Islam in the light of the Quran. This was the voice of Iqbal, the great thinker, and still greater scholar of the Quran. This, he said, was possible only if we had a piece of land in which a State was established purely on the lines indicated by the Quran, thereby wiping out completely the rule of man, in any form, be it capitalism or priestcraft. This scheme of his he pronounced in his Presidential Address of All-India Muslim League Session at Allahabad, in 1930. Such a State, he said:

“Would mean security and peace for India resulting from an internal balance of power, and for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modern times.”  (Speeches and statements of Iqbal–p.15)

Two years later, while addressing the nation at the Annual Session of the All-India Muslim Conference at Lahore, on 21-3-1932, he said:

“The possibilities of the faith you represent are not yet exhausted. It can still create a new world where the social rank of man is not determined by his caste or colour, or the amount of the dividend he earns, but by the kind of life he lives; where Capital cannot be allowed to accumulate so as to dominate the real producer of wealth. This superb ideal of your faith, however, needs emancipation from the medieval fancies of theologians and legists. Spiritually, we are living in a prison-house of thoughts and emotions which, during the course of centuries we have woven round ourselves. And be it further said to the same of us– men of older generation– that we have failed to equip the younger generation for the economic, political and even religious crises that the present age is likely to bring. The whole community needs a complete overhauling of its mentality in order that it may again become capable of feeling the urge of fresh desires and ideals.” (Ibid p.55)

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Guest Post: Jama’at e Islami and Religious Politics in 1950s

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 23rd, 2007

By: Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr (Excerpt from: Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jama’at-i Islami of Pakistan. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  1994. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft9j49p32d/)
 

Entering the Political Process, 1947–1958

pk7-maud_b.jpgAfter Mawdudi had unveiled the Jama‘at-i Islami’s political objectives in Pakistan for the first time in July 1947,[1] he collected his troops and moved to Lahore on a truck, escorted by units of the Pakistan army. His first contact with the leaders of the new state took place soon after through the Muslim League ministry in Punjab. While he was still living in a tent in Islamiyah Park, Mawdudi met with the Muslim League chief minister of the province, Nawwab Iftikhar Husain of Mamdot.[2] In that meeting Mawdudi asked for permission to begin work among the refugees, and he discussed the future of Kashmir.[3] Mawdudi impressed upon the nawwab Pakistan’s obligation immediately to take the offensive in Kashmir and secure control of strategic locations there, and asked the chief minister to relay a message to that effect to Prime Minister Liaqat ‘Ali Khan. (Figure: Maulana Abul Ala Maududi: The Founder of the Jama’at-i-Islami)

The Nawwab of Mamdot was a powerful member of the landed gentry of Punjab and was at the time embroiled in a struggle with Liaqat ‘Ali Khan and his chief ally in Punjab, Mian Mumtaz Daultana, over the control of that province.[4] The chief minister was eager to enlist the support of Islamic groups such as the Jama‘at to stave off Daultana’s challenge.[5] Mamdot, therefore, not only welcomed the Jama‘at’s offer to assist with relief work among the refugees, but invited Mawdudi to deliver a series of talks on Radio Pakistan.[6] All unwitting, Mawdudi had walked into the midst of a tug-of-war in Pakistani politics that was to determine relations between the Jama‘at and the central government.

Mawdudi quickly learned that, given the balance of power in Pakistani politics, the Islamic parties were bound to play the role of power brokers. Muslim League leaders, concluded Mawdudi, were not as inimical to sacralization of politics as their postindependence rhetoric may have indicated. In fact, as the central government in Karachi faced difficulties in exerting control over the new country’s wayward provinces during 1947–1948 and the crisis before the state grew, the legitimating role of Islam and the power of its spokesmen became more evident. Politicians who otherwise decried the political role of religion were under the circumstances not altogether indifferent to the entry of Islamic groups into the fray. The example set by Mamdot was followed elsewhere, in Lahore as well as in other provincial capitals. The relations between the Muslim League and the Jama‘at during the prepartition years were now expanded to encompass the relations between Islam and the state of Pakistan. The holy community found great strength in acting as a party.

Pakistan was founded in the name of Islam, but it had little else in the way of common national or cultural values around which to unite.

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Fast Forward: Lal Masjid Truth - Sign A Petition to the Supreme Court

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 14th, 2007

In line with its overall objectives, the Understanding Project is supporting, along with Take Pakistan Back Coalition, a Petition to the Supreme Court of Pakistan to set up an Independent Judicial Commission in the Lal Masjid Episode and the Operation Silence.  The Text of the Petition, and some background material, is given below. If it succeeded in gaining enough signatures, the petition will be delivered to the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 15 days time (August 1, 2007). We urge all conscienscious Pakistanis to consider signing the petition and encourage others to do so too. Please spread the word around.

_42486698_redmosque_sat2_416.gifThe heart-breaking events of Lal-Masjid this week–where Muslims were fighting Muslims, and Pakistanis killed Pakistanis–in the name of religion and national interest and in the heart of the Country’s capital, have the potential to MAKE or BREAK Pakistan.

Understanding the Truth about the Lal Masjid Operation and learning from it would mean the difference meeting an inevitable fate–i.e. Pakistan becoming either the Next AFGHANISTAN or the Next IRAQ–or avoiding it. This is the battle for Pakistan’s soul that every Pakistani must fight with all his or her will and sincerity. (Figure: Lal Masjid in Islamabad where it all happend)

Text of the Petition (Click here to Sign the Petition)

We, the Undersigned, Petition the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Justice Iftikhar Chaudhary, the ACJP, and the Justices of the Supreme Court to take a suo moto notice of the Lal-Masjid episode and operation. We request the Honorable Justices to:

- Constitute an independent Judicial Commission to look into the Lal Masjid Case to inquire into not only from what happend from March 2007 onwards but also before.

- Constitute the Commission in the manner that it contains prominent judges and citizens of integrity.

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Editorial Comment: UPP Overtaken by Demands of Today’s Reality

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 14th, 2007

pk5-kar11105121050_pakistan_judicial_crisissff-512x349.jpgWhen we started the Understanding Pakistan Project, we had hoped to make a contribution by helping generate a dialogue between Pakistanis about their country’s history. While the temptation to do something more current and real, has always been tremendous, we had purposefully avoided doing so just because we thought that by understanding the events that have shaped us, we would gain the perspective to analyze and negotiate our present and future. 

While there was one immediate time concern that had shaped the timeline of Understanding Pakistan Project, namely, the upcoming General Elections in October 2007, we had expected a more or less smooth ride. Alas, that was not to be…

defaul4.jpgThe ongoing constitutional saga between the President and the Judiciary is shaping up to be an important and defining one in the country’s constitutional history. This is now nearing its close and keeping everyone revitted to the media. Yet, while the verdict in the CJP Case is likely to bring the fight for the independence of Judiciary to a closure, it is only going to be the starting point of an even greater struggle for the right of Pakistani people to be governed, through their consent, by a constitutional government.

Then came May 12, 2007–a black and especially unfortunate day in the country’s recent political history.  It was a day when the state stood watching as tens of poor Karachiites were murdered in cold blood in political clashes throughout the city. It was an especially disturbing event because, we believe, it might have foretold of still grimmer events to come later.

The recent heart-breaking end to the Lal Masjid Episode is  yet another event that has the potential of making or breaking the Pakistani nation. In the words of an online petition that calls for an independent judicial inquiry into this incident, “whether and how we learn from this episode is likely to determine if we are able to dodge our ultimate fate as the Next Afghanistan or the Next Iraq”.

pk4-lalmasjid20070710_02.jpgIn the face of such momentuous and heart-wrenching events, Understanding Pakistan Team has found it difficult not to engage with these issues that are defining Pakistan as we speak. We have, therefore, decided to expand our focus a bit by incorporating occasional posts about substantive current events as well. We hope our readers will welcome this editorial decision and will continue to remain engaged in the historical discussion as well. 

Minus some defections in the Understanding Pakistan Team, the Project is on track in meeting its objective of providing you the best and most comprehensive commentary on Pakistan’s History. We encourage you to participate by visiting often, telling your friends about UPP, and commenting on the various posts. Feel free to give us your thoughts on this and more …

Understanding Pakistan Team

[Figures: Karachi Killings on May 12th, 2007 (Top),  Reference Against Chief Justice of Pakistan, March 9, 2007 onwards (Middle), Military Operation Against Jamia Hafsa -  July 10, 2007 (Bottom)]

Understanding Pakistan: RIP Pakistan (1947-1974)

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 2nd, 2007

Guest Column* By: Yasser Latif Hamdani

When I was first asked to contribute to the “Understanding Pakistan” effort I was not sure what it meant:  What Pakistan were we talking about or what Pakistan were we trying to understand? The country, the state, the people or the historical ideal which led to its creation?  But as the project has progressed it has become clear that this is a serious effort to understand why and how a country named Pakistan actually came into existence and what it is all about. 

Allow me to start off by saying that you cannot understand Pakistan until and unless you understand how the demise of the ideal of Pakistan was brought about by its own people.  I will venture so far as to say that Pakistan has ceased to exist and what exists in its place is an imposter at best, kept alive by forces which need this part of the world for their own agendas. 

However unlike other self styled arm chair analysts, I will not pin point 1971 as the death of Pakistan- partly because history tells us that Jinnah was ready to concede an independent Bangladesh in 1947 and that it was Nehru who had insisted on there being two countries instead of one (See “Shameful Flight” by Stanley Wolpert on this issue). 

In my opinion it was 1974 which was to Jinnah’s 1947 what 1984 was to Orwell’s 1948 for 1974 marked the same end of idealism and beginning of perversion in its name that was depicted so brilliantly by Orwell both in 1984 and the Animal Farm.  For all the oaths taken in order to preserve the ideology of Pakistan, it was this tragic events of this year, coming so soon after Pakistan’s first unanimous constitution, that dealt a deathblow to the true ideology of Pakistan.  Make no mistake about it.

The real Pakistan no longer exists.  It died at the very young age of 27.  What it needs is another Messiah with the power to raise the dead.

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Constitutional & Political Challenges During Liaquat’s Premiership - 2/2 (1949-51)

Athar Osama June 25th, 2007

By: Athar Osama

On Monday (June 25th, 2007), we began our investigtion of Liaquat Ali Khan tenure as the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. We looked Liaquat’s credentials for the responsibility that was put on his shoulders, the early difficulties he faced in bringing the nation together and healing its wounds in the immediate aftermath of Jinnah’s death, and his attempts to find a peaceful settlement of the Kashmir crisis. We also looked at the immediate political challenges faced by Liaquat’s Ministry.

pk-Liaqat_death.jpgIn this piece, we look at two other important aspects of Liaquat’s Premiership, namely, progress in constitution-making (most specifically the objectives resolution) and his foreign policy posture (i.e. Pakistan’s pro-Western foreign policy stance). Both these issues have defined Pakistan’s history over several decades that followed and remain, to this day, unresolved. Yet, it was during Liaquat’s momentous premiership that Pakistan first attempted to address these… 

Pakistan’s Constitutional Problems

While the Center-Province relations in this early phase of Pakistan’s history were far from ideal, the inter-provincial relations also presented a sorry picture. Until Quaid-e-Azam’s death in fall of 1948, the Constituent Assembly whose primary purpose was to create the first constitution for Pakistan had made little progress in actually doing so. Much of its legislative energy had thus far been spent in emergency legislation that was necessary in day-to-day operation of the country. Two issues represent the significant challenges it faced in making worthwhile progress on the constitutional question.

The negotiation on center-province (i.e. relative distribution of power between federal and provincial governments) inter-provincial relations (i.e. the make up of the legislative organs in the new constitution) was in a state of a deadlock with East Pakistani Province of East Bengal that commanded a sizeable majority in the Constituent Assembly seeking representation based on population while Punjab (and, to a lesser extent, the other provinces of West Pakistan) seeking to deny the same. 

The second issue that presented a major hurdle in Constituent Assembly’s progress toward the constitutional question was a lack of census on the Islamic character of Pakistan. This was especially a precarious issue because of the need to preserve the rights and liberties of a significant minority of Hindus that had remained in Pakistan since Independence. Hindus made up not so insignificant populations in all West Pakistani provinces—most notably Sindh—and a fairly significant one in East Pakistan from where they also held several seats in the Constituent Assembly.

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Guest Post: Pre-Partition Politics and Ideology of Maulana Maududi and the Jama’at

Understanding Pakistan Project Team June 25th, 2007

By: Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
 

Prelude to Pakistan 1941-47 (Excerpt from: In the Vanguard of Islamic Revolution: Jama’at i Islami of Pakistan)

The development of the Jama’at’s political outlook and plan of action is largely a result of its interactions with the various Pakistani governments since 1947. The manner in which the Jama’at’s political agenda has unfolded to give shape to its plan of action cannot be examined apart from the political context in which the party operated. The Jama’at’s politics, and especially the manner in which they have changed over time, are a function of the party’s experiences with the political process in Pakistan and the vicissitudes of its continuous interaction with other actors in the political arena. This has defined the party’s role in the political process.

Three interrelated processes have together served as the fundamental determinant of the nature of the Jama’at’s political activism and have also outlined the historical paradigm which has governed the party’s development. The three are the emergence of a more balanced mix of ideological fidelity and pragmatism in the Jama’at’s politics, the enclosure of the party’s ideological perspective and political aspirations within the territorial boundaries of the Pakistani nation-state, and the articulation and unfolding of the Jama’at’s legitimating function within that state. Together these molded both the impact Islamic revivalism made on the state and, conversely, the influence involvement in the political process had on Islamic revivalism. The Jama’at’s political discourse and organizational consolidation interacted with the objectives and needs of the Pakistan state to produce a symbiotic relationship between the two, above and beyond the mutual antagonisms which have characterized the relations between the party and Pakistan’s various governments.

• • •

When Pakistan was created in the summer of 1947, the Muslim League and the Jama’at were at loggerheads, though instances of cooperation continued both before and after.

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